The Evolution of Man, V.1. by Ernst Haeckel (most read book in the world .TXT) 📖

to Darwinism in particular. All the other manuals I have mentioned take a decided stand on evolution. Francis Balfour has carefully collected and presented with discrimination, in his Manual of Comparative Embryology (1880), the very scattered and extensive literature of the subject; he has also widened the basis of the gastraea theory by a comparative description of the rise of the organs from the germinal layers in all the chief groups of the animal kingdom, and has given a most thorough empirical support to the principles I have formulated. A comparison of his work with the excellent Text-book of the Embryology of the Vertebrates (1890) [translation 1895] of Korschelt and Heider shows what astonishing progress has been made in the science in the course of ten years. I would especially recommend the manuals of Julius Kollmann and Oscar Hertwig to those readers who are stimulated to further study by these chapters on human embryology. Kollmann's work is commendable for its clear treatment of the subject and very fine original illustrations; its author adheres firmly to the biogenetic law, and uses it throughout with considerable profit. That is not the case in Oscar Hertwig's recent Text-book of the Embryology of Man and the Mammals [translations 1892 and 1899] (seventh edition 1902). This able anatomist has of late often been quoted as an opponent of the biogenetic law, although he himself had demonstrated its great value thirty years ago. His recent vacillation is partly due to the timidity which our "exact" scientists have with regard to hypotheses; though it is impossible to make any headway in the explanation of facts without them. However, the purely descriptive part of embryology in Hertwig's Text-book is very thorough and reliable.

A new branch of embryological research has been studied very assiduously in the last decade of the nineteenth century--namely, "experimental embryology." The great importance which has been attached to the application of physical experiments to the living organism for the last hundred years, and the valuable results that it has given to physiology in the study of the vital phenomena, have led to its extension to embryology. I was the first to make experiments of this kind during a stay of four months on the Canary Island, Lanzerote, in 1866. I there made a thorough investigation of the almost unknown embryology of the siphonophorae. I cut a number of the embryos of these animals (which develop freely in the water, and pass through a very curious transformation), at an early stage, into several pieces, and found that a fresh organism (more or less complete, according to the size of the piece) was developed from each particle. More recently some of my pupils have made similar experiments with the embryos of vertebrates (especially the frog) and some of the invertebrates. Wilhelm Roux, in particular, has made extensive experiments, and based on them a special "mechanical embryology," which has given rise to a good deal of discussion and controversy. Roux has published a special journal for these subjects since 1895, the Archiv fur Entwickelungsmechanik. The contributions to it are very varied in value. Many of them are valuable papers on the physiology and pathology of the embryo. Pathological experiments--the placing of the embryo in abnormal conditions--have yielded many interesting results; just as the physiology of the normal body has for a long time derived assistance from the pathology of the diseased organism. Other of these mechanical-embryological articles return to the erroneous methods of His, and are only misleading. This must be said of the many contributions of mechanical embryology which take up a position of hostility to the theory of descent and its chief embryological foundation--the biogenetic law. This law, however, when rightly understood, is not opposed to, but is the best and most solid support of, a sound mechanical embryology. Impartial reflection and a due attention to paleontology and comparative anatomy should convince these one-sided mechanicists that the facts they have discovered--and, indeed, the whole embryological process--cannot be fully understood without the theory of descent and the biogenetic law.

 

CHAPTER IV(4. THE OLDER PHYLOGENY.)

 

The embryology of man and the animals, the history of which we have reviewed in the last two chapters, was mainly a descriptive science forty years ago. The earlier investigations in this province were chiefly directed to the discovery, by careful observation, of the wonderful facts of the embryonic development of the animal body from the ovum. Forty years ago no one dared attack the question of the CAUSES of these phenomena. For fully a century, from the year 1759, when Wolff's solid Theoria generationis appeared, until 1859, when Darwin published his famous Origin of Species, the real causes of the embryonic processes were quite unknown. No one thought of seeking the agencies that effected this marvellous succession of structures. The task was thought to be so difficult as almost to pass beyond the limits of human thought. It was reserved for Charles Darwin to initiate us into the knowledge of these causes. This compels us to recognise in this great genius, who wrought a complete revolution in the whole field of biology, a founder at the same time of a new period in embryology. It is true that Darwin occupied himself very little with direct embryological research, and even in his chief work he only touches incidentally on the embryonic phenomena; but by his reform of the theory of descent and the founding of the theory of selection he has given us the means of attaining to a real knowledge of the causes of embryonic formation. That is, in my opinion, the chief feature in Darwin's incalculable influence on the whole science of evolution.

When we turn our attention to this latest period of embryological research, we pass into the second division of organic evolution--stem-evolution, or phylogeny. I have already indicated in

Chapter 1.

1 the important and intimate causal connection between these two sections of the science of evolution--between the evolution of the individual and that of his ancestors. We have formulated this connection in the biogenetic law; the shorter evolution, that of the individual, or ontogenesis, is a rapid and summary repetition, a condensed recapitulation, of the larger evolution, or that of the species. In this principle we express all the essential points relating to the causes of evolution; and we shall seek throughout this work to confirm this principle and lend it the support of facts. When we look to its CAUSAL significance, perhaps it would be better to formulate the biogenetic law thus: "The evolution of the species and the stem (phylon) shows us, in the physiological functions of heredity and adaptation, the conditioning causes on which the evolution of the individual depends"; or, more briefly: "Phylogenesis is the mechanical cause of ontogenesis."

But before we examine the great achievement by which Darwin revealed the causes of evolution to us, we must glance at the efforts of earlier scientists to attain this object. Our historical inquiry into these will be even shorter than that into the work done in the field of ontogeny. We have very few names to consider here. At the head of them we find the great French naturalist, Jean Lamarck, who first established evolution as a scientific theory in 1809. Even before his time, however, the chief philosopher, Kant, and the chief poet, Goethe, of Germany had occupied themselves with the subject. But their efforts passed almost without recognition in the eighteenth century. A "philosophy of nature" did not arise until the beginning of the nineteenth century. In the whole of the time before this no one had ventured to raise seriously the question of the origin of species, which is the culminating point of phylogeny. On all sides it was regarded as an insoluble enigma.

The whole science of the evolution of man and the other animals is intimately connected with the question of the nature of species, or with the problem of the origin of the various animals which we group together under the name of species. Thus the definition of the species becomes important. It is well known that this definition was given by Linne, who, in his famous Systema Naturae (1735), was the first to classify and name the various groups of animals and plants, and drew up an orderly scheme of the species then known. Since that time "species" has been the most important and indispensable idea in descriptive natural history, in zoological and botanical classification; although there have been endless controversies as to its real meaning.

What, then, is this "organic species"? Linne himself appealed directly to the Mosaic narrative; he believed that, as it is stated in Genesis, one pair of each species of animals and plants was created in the beginning, and that all the individuals of each species are the descendants of these created couples. As for the hermaphrodites (organisms that have male and female organs in one being), he thought it sufficed to assume the creation of one sole individual, since this would be fully competent to propagate its species. Further developing these mystic ideas, Linne went on to borrow from Genesis the account of the deluge and of Noah's ark as a ground for a science of the geographical and topographical distribution of organisms. He accepted the story that all the plants, animals, and men on the earth were swept away in a universal deluge, except the couples preserved with Noah in the ark, and ultimately landed on Mount Ararat. This mountain seemed to Linne particularly suitable for the landing, as it reaches a height of more than 16,000 feet, and thus provides in its higher zones the several climates demanded by the various species of animals and plants: the animals that were accustomed to a cold climate could remain at the summit; those used to a warm climate could descend to the foot; and those requiring a temperate climate could remain half-way down. From this point the re-population of the earth with animals and plants could proceed.

It was impossible to have any scientific notion of the method of evolution in Linne's time, as one of the chief sources of information, paleontology, was still wholly unknown. This science of the fossil remains of extinct animals and plants is very closely bound up with the whole question of evolution. It is impossible to explain the origin of living organisms without appealing to it. But this science did not rise until a much later date. The real founder of scientific paleontology was Georges Cuvier, the most distinguished zoologist who, after Linne, worked at the classification of the animal world, and effected a complete revolution in systematic zoology at the beginning of the nineteenth century. In regard to the nature of the species he associated himself with Linne and the Mosaic story of creation, though this was more difficult for him with his acquaintance with fossil remains. He clearly showed that a number of quite different animal populations have lived on the earth; and he claimed that we must distinguish a number of stages in the history of our planet, each of which was characterised by a special population of animals and plants. These successive populations were, he said, quite independent of each other, and therefore the supernatural creative act, which was demanded as the origin of the animals