News from Nowhere; Or, An Epoch of Rest<br />Being Some Chapters from a Utopian Romance by William Morris (english novels to improve english .txt) 📖

for freedom aforesaid.  It is true that the slave-class could not conceive the happiness of a free life.  Yet they grew to understand (and very speedily too) that they were oppressed by their masters, and they assumed, you see how justly, that they could do without them, though perhaps they scarce knew how; so that it came to this, that though they could not look forward to the happiness or peace of the freeman, they did at least look forward to the war which a vague hope told them would bring that peace about.”

“Could you tell me rather more closely what actually took place?” said I; for I thought him rather vague here.

“Yes,” he said, “I can.  That machinery of life for the use of people who didn’t know what they wanted of it, and which was known at the time as State Socialism, was partly put in motion, though in a very piecemeal way.  But it did not work smoothly; it was, of course, resisted at every turn by the capitalists; and no wonder, for it tended more and more to upset the commercial system I have told you of; without providing anything really effective in its place.  The result was growing confusion, great suffering amongst the working classes, and, as a consequence, great discontent.  For a long time matters went on like this.  The power of the upper classes had lessened, as their command over wealth lessened, and they could not carry things wholly by the high hand as they had been used to in earlier days.  So far the State Socialists were justified by the result.  On the other hand, the working classes were ill-organised, and growing poorer in reality, in spite of the gains (also real in the long run) which they had forced from the masters.  Thus matters hung in the balance; the masters could not reduce their slaves to complete subjection, though they put down some feeble and partial riots easily enough.  The workers forced their masters to grant them ameliorations, real or imaginary, of their condition, but could not force freedom from them.  At last came a great crash.  To explain this you must understand that very great progress had been made amongst the workers, though as before said but little in the direction of improved livelihood.”

I played the innocent and said: “In what direction could they improve, if not in livelihood?”

Said he: “In the power to bring about a state of things in which livelihood would be full, and easy to gain.  They had at last learned how to combine after a long period of mistakes and disasters.  The workmen had now a regular organization in the struggle against their masters, a struggle which for more than half a century had been accepted as an inevitable part of the conditions of the modern system of labour and production.  This combination had now taken the form of a federation of all or almost all the recognised wage-paid employments, and it was by its means that those betterments of the conditions of the workmen had been forced from the masters: and though they were not seldom mixed up with the rioting that happened, especially in the earlier days of their organization, it by no means formed an essential part of their tactics; indeed at the time I am now speaking of they had got to be so strong that most commonly the mere threat of a ‘strike’ was enough to gain any minor point: because they had given up the foolish tactics of the ancient trades unions of calling out of work a part only of the workers of such and such an industry, and supporting them while out of work on the labour of those that remained in.  By this time they had a biggish fund of money for the support of strikes, and could stop a certain industry altogether for a time if they so determined.”

Said I: “Was there not a serious danger of such moneys being misused—of jobbery, in fact?”

Old Hammond wriggled uneasily on his seat, and said:

“Though all this happened so long ago, I still feel the pain of mere shame when I have to tell you that it was more than a danger: that such rascality often happened; indeed more than once the whole combination seemed dropping to pieces because of it: but at the time of which I am telling, things looked so threatening, and to the workmen at least the necessity of their dealing with the fast-gathering trouble which the labour-struggle had brought about, was so clear, that the conditions of the times had begot a deep seriousness amongst all reasonable people; a determination which put aside all non-essentials, and which to thinking men was ominous of the swiftly-approaching change: such an element was too dangerous for mere traitors and self-seekers, and one by one they were thrust out and mostly joined the declared reactionaries.”

“How about those ameliorations,” said I; “what were they? or rather of what nature?”

Said he: “Some of them, and these of the most practical importance to the mens’ livelihood, were yielded by the masters by direct compulsion on the part of the men; the new conditions of labour so gained were indeed only customary, enforced by no law: but, once established, the masters durst not attempt to withdraw them in face of the growing power of the combined workers.  Some again were steps on the path of ‘State Socialism’; the most important of which can be speedily summed up.  At the end of the nineteenth century the cry arose for compelling the masters to employ their men a less number of hours in the day: this cry gathered volume quickly, and the masters had to yield to it.  But it was, of course, clear that unless this meant a higher price for work per hour, it would be a mere nullity, and that the masters, unless forced, would reduce it to that.  Therefore after a long struggle another law was passed fixing a minimum price for labour in the most important industries; which again had to be supplemented by a law fixing the maximum price on the chief wares then considered necessary for a workman’s life.”

“You were getting perilously near to the late Roman poor-rates,” said I, smiling, “and the doling out of bread to the proletariat.”

“So many said at the time,” said the old man drily; “and it has long been a commonplace that that slough awaits State Socialism in the end, if it gets to the end, which as you know it did not with us.  However it went further than this minimum and maximum business, which by the by we can now see was necessary.  The government now found it imperative on them to meet the outcry of the master class at the approaching destruction of Commerce (as desirable, had they known it, as the extinction of the cholera, which has since happily taken place).  And they were forced to meet it by a measure hostile to the masters, the establishment of government factories for the production of necessary wares, and markets for their sale.  These measures taken altogether did do something: they were in fact of the nature of regulations made by the commander of a beleaguered city.  But of course to the privileged classes it seemed as if the end of the world were come when such laws were enacted.

“Nor was that altogether without a warrant: the spread of communistic theories, and the partial practice of State Socialism had at first disturbed, and at last almost paralysed the marvellous system of commerce under which the old world had lived so feverishly, and had produced for some few a life of gambler’s pleasure, and for many, or most, a life of mere misery: over and over again came ‘bad times’ as they were called, and indeed they were bad enough for the wage-slaves.  The year 1952 was one of the worst of these times; the workmen suffered dreadfully: the partial, inefficient government factories, which were terribly jobbed, all but broke down, and a vast part of the population had for the time being to be fed on undisguised “charity” as it was called.

“The Combined Workers watched the situation with mingled hope and anxiety.  They had already formulated their general demands; but now by a solemn and universal vote of the whole of their federated societies, they insisted on the first step being taken toward carrying out their demands: this step would have led directly to handing over the management of the whole natural resources of the country, together with the machinery for using them into the power of the Combined Workers, and the reduction of the privileged classes into the position of pensioners obviously dependent on the pleasure of the workers.  The ‘Resolution,’ as it was called, which was widely published in the newspapers of the day, was in fact a declaration of war, and was so accepted by the master class.  They began henceforward to prepare for a firm stand against the ‘brutal and ferocious communism of the day,’ as they phrased it.  And as they were in many ways still very powerful, or seemed so to be; they still hoped by means of brute force to regain some of what they had lost, and perhaps in the end the whole of it.  It was said amongst them on all hands that it had been a great mistake of the various governments not to have resisted sooner; and the liberals and radicals (the name as perhaps you may know of the more democratically inclined part of the ruling classes) were much blamed for having led the world to this pass by their mis-timed pedantry and foolish sentimentality: and one Gladstone, or Gledstein (probably, judging by this name, of Scandinavian descent), a notable politician of the nineteenth century, was especially singled out for reprobation in this respect.  I need scarcely point out to you the absurdity of all this.  But terrible tragedy lay hidden behind this grinning through a horse-collar of the reactionary party.  ‘The insatiable greed of the lower classes must be repressed’—‘The people must be taught a lesson’—these were the sacramental phrases current amongst the reactionists, and ominous enough they were.”

The old man stopped to look keenly at my attentive and wondering face; and then said:

“I know, dear guest, that I have been using words and phrases which few people amongst us could understand without long and laborious explanation; and not even then perhaps.  But since you have not yet gone to sleep, and since I am speaking to you as to a being from another planet, I may venture to ask you if you have followed me thus far?”

“O yes,” said I, “I quite understand: pray go on; a great deal of what you have been saying was common place with us—when—when—”

“Yes,” said he gravely, “when you were dwelling in the other planet.  Well, now for the crash aforesaid.

“On some comparatively trifling occasion a great meeting was summoned by the workmen leaders to meet in Trafalgar Square (about the right to meet in which place there had for years and years been bickering).  The civic bourgeois guard (called the police) attacked the said meeting with bludgeons, according to their custom; many people were hurt in the mélée, of whom five in all died, either trampled to death on the spot, or from the effects of their cudgelling; the meeting was scattered, and some hundred of prisoners cast into gaol.  A similar meeting had been treated in the same way a few days before at a place called Manchester, which has now disappeared.  Thus the ‘lesson’ began.  The whole country was thrown into a ferment by this; meetings were held which attempted some rough organisation for the holding of another meeting to retort on the authorities.  A huge crowd assembled in Trafalgar Square and the neighbourhood (then a place of crowded streets), and was too big for the bludgeon-armed police to cope with; there was a good deal of dry-blow fighting; three or four of the people were killed, and half a score of policemen were crushed to death in the throng, and the rest got away as they could.  This was a victory for the people as far as it went.  The next day all London (remember what it was in those days) was in a state of turmoil.  Many of the rich fled into the country; the executive got together soldiery, but did not dare to use them; and the police could not be massed in any one place, because riots or threats of riots were everywhere.  But in Manchester, where the people were not so courageous or not so desperate as in London, several of the popular leaders were arrested.  In London a convention of leaders was got together from the Federation of Combined Workmen, and sat under the old revolutionary name of the Committee of Public Safety; but as they had no drilled and armed body of men to direct, they attempted no aggressive measures, but only placarded the walls with somewhat vague appeals to the workmen not to allow themselves to be trampled upon.  However, they called a meeting in Trafalgar Square for