William Pitt and the Great War by John Holland Rose (e book reader for pc .TXT) 📖

suffered for the diminution of your glory in that

    business by expediting now a pension eagerly but ineffectively

    solicited by many _great people_, as I am told, for a most

    deserving woman, the widow of Mr. Green, the consul at Nice?...

    Deserve and receive a kind and constant remembrance in the

    benedictions of a recluse who has still the ambition to live in

    your regard by the good which he would excite you to perform. At

    all events forgive this very unexpected intrusion and

    importunity from the old and long sequestered admirer of your

    youth,

HAYLEY.

 

Hayley's letter is a trifle too presumptuous in tone even for an old

friend; but it affords one more proof of Pitt's neglect of literary men,

though it is but fair to remember that in 1793-4 he was hard pressed by

the outbreak of war with France and the struggle to keep the Allies

together. Still, the greatest of statesmen is he who, in the midst of

world politics, neither neglects old friends, nor forgets the claims of

literature and art. In this connection it is painful to add that he

allowed the yearly stipend of the King's Painter, Sir Joshua Reynolds,

to be reduced from £200 to £50. On Reynolds soliciting the secretaryship

to the Order of the Bath, he was told that it had been promised to an

official of the Treasury. Another request, proffered through his patron,

the Duke of Rutland, also proved fruitless, and he had reason to write

with some bitterness--"Mr. Pitt, I fear, has not much attention to the

arts."[609] His neglect of literature and the arts was the more

unfortunate because George III and his sons did not raise the tone of

the Court in this respect, witness the remark of the King to Gibbon at a

State function. "Well, Mr. Gibbon, it's always scribble, scribble, I

suppose."[610]

 

Apart from these obvious limitations in Pitt's nature, there was a

wealth of noble qualities, which ensured life-long devotion from those

who penetrated the protective crust and came to know, not the

statesman, but the man. In him the qualities that command respect and

excite affection were happily balanced. To a manly courage which never

quailed in the hour of disaster, and a good sense that provided sage

counsels alike in private and public affairs, he added the tenderer

gifts. His affection once given was not lightly withdrawn. He looked

always on the best side of men, and to that noble failing, if failing it

be, most of his blunders may be ascribed. Even when his confidence was

abused, he was loth to take revenge, so that Canning expressed regret at

his reluctance to punish those who betrayed him.[611] Such a man will

often make mistakes, but he will also inspire the devotion that serves

to repair them. Moreover, even his opponents were forced to admit the

conscientiousness of his conduct. On this topic the testimony of his

friend Wilberforce is of value; for they had differed sharply as to the

rupture with France in 1793; and, somewhat later, Wilberforce lamented

the relaxation of Pitt's efforts against the Slave Trade. Yet their

differences did not end their friendship; on 30th November 1797 the

philanthropist wrote as follows to Sir Richard Aclom on the subject of

the reformation of morals:

 

    ... There is one point only on which I will now declare we

    perfectly coincide, I mean, that of a general moral reform being

    the only real restorative of the health of our body politic. But

    I hesitate not to say that, tho' the Government is in its system

    and principle too much (indeed ever so little is, as I think,

    too much) tainted with corruption, yet it is more sound than the

    people at large. You appear to feel the disposition of the

    public to yield an implicit assent to Ministers without stopping

    to investigate the causes of that disposition (which are chiefly

    to be found in the violence of the Opposition and the

    established predominance of party). I will frankly avow no man

    has lamented this more than myself; I may indeed say more than

    this. I have endeavoured both in public and in private to fight

    against it. But selfishness has diffused itself thro' the whole

    mass of our people, and _hinc illae lacrymae_. You mistakenly

    conceive, as do many others, that I am biassed by personal

    affection for Mr. Pitt. When we meet, I will rectify your error

    on that head....[612]

 

Again, on 20th February 1798, Wilberforce wrote to William Smith, an

active Abolitionist and now prominent in the Opposition, deploring the

dilatoriness of Pitt, but maintaining that his patriotism was purer and

more disinterested than that of anyone not under the direct influence of

Christian principles. He adds these words:

 

    I speak not this from the partiality of personal affection. In

    fact for several years past there has been so little of the

    _eadem velle et eadem nolle_ that our friendship has starved for

    want of nutriment. I really love him for his public qualities

    and his private ones, though there too he is much misunderstood.

    But how can I expect that he should love me much, who have been

    so long rendering myself in various ways vexatious to him, and,

    above all, when, poor fellow, he never schools his mind by a

    cessation from political ruminations, the most blinding,

    hardening, and souring of all others?[613]

 

These passages explain why the personality of Pitt attracted all that

was purest and most patriotic in the public life of England. Men might

disagree with particular actions, but they saw in him the saving genius

of the State; and this was the dominant feeling until the year 1801 when

events scattered his following and reduced public life almost to a state

of chaos.

 

His character, then, was strong in the virtues of steadfastness and

loyalty, on which the social gifts can root deeply and bear perennial

fruit. Of these he had rich store. His conversations possessed singular

charm; for his melodious voice, facile fancy, and retentive memory

enabled him to adorn all topics. His favourite themes were the Greek and

Latin Classics. The rooms at Holwood or Walmer were strewn with volumes

of his favourite authors, on whom he delighted to converse at length.

Grenville declared to Wellesley that Pitt was the best classical scholar

he had ever met. Yet, with the delicate tact which bade him enliven, not

dominate, the social circle, he refrained from obtruding those subjects

on occasions when they would be neither known nor appreciated. Equally

good was his knowledge of English literature; so that in the company of

kindred spirits, the flow of wit and learning, imagination and

experience, must have rivalled that of the Literary Club over which Dr.

Johnson held sway.

 

Unfortunately, only the merest scraps survive; but the testimony of

Pitt's friends suffices to refute the Whig legend as to his cold and

calculating selfishness, which filled even the hours of leisure with

schemes for making himself necessary to the King and country.[614] On

the contrary, he was fond of society, throwing himself so heartily into

the conversation that the _savant_ was merged in the wit, the Prime

Minister in the genial companion. His jests were of that Attic flavour

which seasons without stinging; and this was the outcome, not of

calculation, but of a kindly disposition, which delighted to throw off

political cares amidst the tide of mirth which he helped to carry to the

full. He also felt increasingly the charms of country life, and at

Holwood was never more happy than when labouring along with his

gardeners in the effort to enhance the beauty of his grounds. This

strenuous work, together with horse exercise and occasional bursts with

the West Kent or Dover hunt, provided the recreation which enabled his

naturally weak and gout-ridden frame to withstand the wear and tear of

official life up to his forty-seventh year.

 

In town he delighted to visit friends in an informal manner, and was

never more pleased than when he could have games with children. His romp

with young Napier and the two Stanhopes when they succeeded in corking

his face, has been already described; but it appears that even in 1805,

when beset by manifold cares, he often dropped in at Broom House,

Parson's Green, the residence of Sir Evan Nepean, and would "take a

chair in a corner, and, laying aside state and gravity, would gambol and

play with the boys."[615] At times his repartees were piquant. When his

friend and admirer, the Duchess of Gordon, who had not seen him for some

time, met him at the _levée_ and asked whether he talked as much

nonsense as of yore, he laughingly replied: "I do not know whether I

talk so much nonsense: certainly I do not _hear_ so much."[616]

 

Is it surprising that a character so benevolent, and social gifts of so

much charm, should attract men about him? Of those who came forward to

fill the gaps of the circle, only two, Wellesley and Canning, were men

of powers so exceptional as to claim more than passing notice. Though

descended from families domiciled in Ireland, they differed widely,

except in versatility and devotion to Pitt. Wellesley's nature was

Saxon in its inner hardness. Like his younger brother, the future Duke

of Wellington, he rarely displayed signs of emotion; but his

temperament, though cold at the heart, thrilled at the approach of great

and perilous enterprises, amidst which he rivalled his brother in

activity and resourcefulness. Accordingly, his Viceroyalty of India

moved Bonaparte to envy, patriotic Britons to rapturous applause, and

the parsimonious Directors of the Company to carping criticisms. Those

who deny to Pitt the gift of choosing able and inspiring men, forget

that he made Wellesley Governor-General of India, and supported him in

his quarrels with the India House. As Earl of Mornington, Wellesley had

helped the Irish Administration in various ways, and became closely

acquainted with the Grenvilles. His first letter to Pitt, dated Dublin,

January 1785, expresses thanks for assistance and for the offer of

support in case the annoyances of his situation drove him to England.

Thus, Mornington was first attracted to Pitt by his loyalty to

subordinates; and, later, after his return to England, respect for the

Minister ripened into admiration and love of the man.

 

They had much in common. Manly in bearing, persistent of purpose, and

prompt in decision, they were also richly dowered with social gifts.

Like Pitt, Mornington had classical attainments and literary gifts of no

mean order; and his high spirits and powers of repartee must have

brought new energy to the jaded statesman. Entering Parliament as member

for Windsor, he found his duties far from congenial. On some occasions

nervousness marred the effect of his speeches; and his constituents

involved him in so much expense and worry as to prompt a request, in the

autumn of 1794, for the intervention of Pitt, seeing that his rival,

Isherwood, had "the means of supplying the rapacity even of the electors

of Windsor." On 4th October he thanked Pitt for relieving him from

further obligations to "the worthy electors of that loyal borough"; but

he continued for a time to sit in Parliament. Meanwhile his fine

presence and lively converse brought him into favour with the Prince of

Wales. On 4th August 1793, writing at Brighthelmstone, he heartily

congratulated Pitt on the surrender of Valenciennes, which sanguine

persons hoped might hasten the end of the war. But, he added, "I own my

most sanguine expectations cannot reach the notion of our being able to

bring down the power of France in one campaign to the level to which I

think it must be reduced for our safety and for that of the rest of the

world. H.R.H. the Prince of Wales has been pleased to be most gracious

to me.... I suppose you have heard of his dinner on the capture of

Valenciennes. We sat from five till half-past ten, and many were very

drunk, particularly H.R.H. He really did the honours most admirably...."

In the next letter, of the early part of August 1796, Mornington sends a

quatrain of Latin Elegiacs which he had composed at Dundas's house, on

the exploits of Wurmser in relieving Mantua, of Davidovitch at Roveredo,

and Quosdanovitch at Brescia (not Verona), which seemed to presage the

ruin of Bonaparte.

 

    Mantua Vurmisero gaudet, Rovereda Davido,

      Et Verona tibi, Quosdanovice, patet.

    Vae mihi (raptor ait Gallus) ne forte per Alpes

      Heu! Bona pars in rem cogar abire malam.[617]

 

For some time Mornington had felt the charm of Indian history; and the

blend of energy with romance in his being may have prompted Pitt's

selection of him as Viceroy in 1797. After a most tedious voyage he

reached the Hooghly in time to foil the blow which Tippoo Sahib,

Bonaparte's prospective ally, aimed at Madras. In his