Three Thousand Years of Mental Healing by George Barton Cutten (websites to read books for free txt) 📖
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We have a right to ask, in closing this chapter, how it was possible for men to believe in the power of relics to cure diseases. The practice seems to have developed from the reasoning that the saints who helped men while in the imperfections of the flesh, could be of even more benefit when they were with God in the perfections of the spiritual life. St. Augustine (426), for example, speaks of comparing the wonders performed by pagan "deities with our dead men," and that the miracles wrought by idols "are in no way comparable to the wonders wrought by our martyrs." Some might agree with this, and yet find no warrant for using relics. There was, however, the remembrance of the dead man who was restored to life by contact with the bones of Elisha, and of the handkerchiefs and aprons which touched Paul's body and were thereby filled with healing efficacy. Even to-day we do not fail to recognize the value of the association of places and objects, and one finds it difficult to enter Westminster Abbey, for instance, without feeling a thrill on account of the sacred clay reposing there. When we remember the beginning of the use of relics in the catacombs we can better understand the development of the practice.
21 G. F. Fort, History of Medical Economy During the Middle Ages, p. 201.
22 Ibid., pp. 142 and 156.
23 G. P. Fisher, History of the Christian Church, p. 117.
24 W. E. H. Lecky, History of European Morals, I, pp. 378 f.
25 Ibid., I, p. 379.
26 P. Dearmer, Body and Soul, pp. 268 f.
27 J. Moses, Pathological Aspects of Religions, p. 133.
28 C. Mackay, Extraordinary Popular Delusions, II, pp. 303 f.
29 J. W. Draper, History of the Conflict Between Religion and Science, p. 270.
30 J. Moses, Pathological Aspects of Religions, pp. 132 f.
31 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ed. J. A. Giles, bk. IV, chap. XXXI.
32 T. J. Pettigrew, Superstitions Connected with the History and Practice of Medicine and Surgery, pp. 55-57.
33 G. F. Fort, History of Medical Economy During the Middle Ages, pp. 224 f., 273-277, 457.
34 A. D. White, History of the Warfare of Science with Theology, II, pp. 40 f.
35 G. F. Fort, History of Medical Economy During the Middle Ages, p. 273.
36 E. Salverte, The Philosophy of Magic (trans. Thompson), II, p. 93.
37 Tour of Wales, I, p. 405.
38 Hasted, Kent, III, p. 176.
39 History of His Life and Times, p. 32.
40 Statistical Account of Scotland, VII, p. 213, and XII, p. 464.
41 Ibid., XVIII, p. 487.
42 C. S. Macaulay, History of St. Kilda, p. 95.
43 Somersetshire, III, p. 104.
44 I am much indebted to J. Brand, Popular Antiquities, pp. 1-17, for some of the quotations used in the discussion of this subject.
45 Superstitions Connected with ... Medicine and Surgery, pp. 57-61.
46 I am indebted to P. Dearmer, Body and Soul, pp. 278-281, 314-318, for the material on incubation. For fuller study, see L. Deubner, De Incubatione, and M. Hamilton, Incubation.
47 G. F. Fort, History of Medical Economy During the Middle Ages, p. 227.
48 Ibid., pp. 210-214, 226 f., 278.
49 A. D. White, History of the Warfare of Science with Theology, II, p. 30.
50 Ibid., II, pp. 21, 29, 43.
51 P. Dearmer, Body and Soul, pp. 374 f.
52 C. Mackay, Extraordinary Popular Delusions, II, p. 304.
53 P. Dearmer, Body and Soul, pp. 105 f.
54 R. F. Clarke, The Holy Coat of Treves.
55 A. T. Myers and F. W. H. Myers, "Mind Cure, Faith Cure, and the Miracles at Lourdes," Proceedings Society Psychical Research, IX, pp. 160-409; E. Berdoe, "A Medical View of the Miracles at Lourdes," Nineteenth Century, October, 1895; J. B. Estrade, Les apparitions de Lourdes, Souvenirs intimes d'un témoin; H. Bernheim, Suggestive Therapeutics, pp. 200-202; A. Imbert-Gourbyzee, La Stigmatisation, l'extase divine, et les miracles de Lourdes, II, chaps. XXI and XXVII; E. Zola, Lourdes.
56 C. Mackay, Extraordinary Popular Delusions, II, p. 306.
CHAPTER V HEALERS"Some are molested by Phantasie; so some, again, by Fancy alone and a good conceit, are as easily recovered.... All the world knows there is no virtue in charms, &c., but a strong conceit and opinion alone, as Pomponatius holds, which forceth a motion of the humours, spirits, and blood, which takes away the cause of the malady from the parts affected. The like we may say of the magical effects, superstitious cures, and such as are done by montebanks and wizards. As by wicked incredulity many are hurt (so saith Wierus), we find, in our experience, by the same means, many are relieved."
In discussing the subject of healers one must keep in mind the fact that the healers of the first millennium of our era were almost wholly exorcists, on account of the prevailing theory, and even after that time exorcism, on the one hand, and the faith in relics and shrines on the other, formed the principal means of cure. It is therefore difficult to differentiate the other healers from the exorcists, and to decide whether certain cures were performed by healers or by relics.
Another difficulty confronts us. Many authentic cures have probably been wrought by saints, but unfortunately most of those performed by them have little contemporary evidence to support them, but rest on the very shaky testimony of tradition. White,57 in a keen analysis, shows how the legends of miraculous cures have grown around great benefactors of humanity, taking Francis Xavier as a pertinent example.
We must also remember, however, that what are called miracles formed part of the evidence which led to the canonization of a saint, and a large number of healing miracles was usually included in the list. The procedure of the court connected with the canonization was conducted with the greatest rigor. Sitting as examiners were learned and upright men from all nations, and the witness must be irreproachable as far as character was concerned. The two witnesses required for each miracle must testify concerning the nature of the disease and the cure, and sign the deposition after it had been read to them. Following that, the examiners sifted the evidence in a hypercritical way and emphasized the weak places. Benedict XIV justly said: "The degree of proof required is the same as that required for a criminal case, since the cause of religion and piety is that of the commonweal." Some consideration must be thus given to this testimony, but the value of it depends on the number of years elapsing after the cures were performed and the direct connection of the witnesses with the cure in question.
The craving for the miraculous in bodily cures prejudiced many historians, especially when the desire to emphasize the importance of the church was uppermost in the minds of the writers. We can consider, though, the material at hand, always recognizing that marvellous cures can be performed when the authority of the physician has all the weight of an infallible church behind it and the patient is credulous. We must notice in this connection that the healers up to the time of the magnetizers depended on religious ceremonies for their efficiency, with the exception of those who endorsed and propagated "sympathetic cures."
As we well know, the first healing among Christians was done by Jesus himself and the apostles; after this for two centuries the exorcists performed most of the cures. We have accounts of one non-Christian healer whose cures have probably been handed down to us on account of his exalted position. Tacitus and Suetonius describe how Vespasian (9-79) healed in at least two cases. The first was a blind man well known in Alexandria. In the second case the historians disagree; one says it was a leg and the other a hand which was diseased and cured. According to the story, the god Serapis revealed to the patients that they would be cured by the emperor. Tacitus says that Vespasian did not believe in his own power and it was only after much persuasion that he was induced to try the experiment.58
The Christians, however, were not to be outdone as healers. Irenæus (130-202) gives a long list of infirmities which were cured by the representatives of the church, and in writing, about the year 180, draws a comparison between them and the heretics. "For they [the heretics] can neither confer sight on the blind nor hearing on the deaf, nor chase away all sorts of demons (except those which are sent into others by themselves—if they can ever do as much as this): nor can they cure the weak, or the lame, or the paralytic; or those who are distressed in any other part of the body, as has often been done in regard to bodily infirmity. Nor can they furnish effective remedies for those external accidents which may occur. And so far are they from being able to raise the dead, as the Lord raised them (and the Apostles did by means of prayer, as has been frequently done in the brotherhood on account of some necessity—the entire church in that particular locality entreating with much fasting and prayer, the spirit of the dead man has returned, and he has been bestowed in answer to the prayers of the saints—) that they do not even believe that this could possibly be done." He further says: "Others again heal the sick by laying their hands upon them, and they are made whole. Yea, moreover, as I have said, the dead even have been raised up, and remained among us for many years."
The great Origen (185-254), writing when he would be certain to have his words most severely criticised, says, after referring to the miracles of the apostles: "And there are still preserved among Christians traces of that Holy Spirit which appeared in the form of a dove.
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