Malaysian Maverick: Mahathir Mohamad in Turbulent Times Barry Wain (grave mercy .TXT) 📖
- Author: Barry Wain
Book online «Malaysian Maverick: Mahathir Mohamad in Turbulent Times Barry Wain (grave mercy .TXT) 📖». Author Barry Wain
Abdullah was tiptoeing through a political and legal minefield in hoping to do enough to move on without seriously examining the past, arguing that to look back "would only serve to prolong the sense of crisis".[94] While some of the wronged judges or their relatives were pleased with the gesture, others indicated they would keep up the pressure to reopen the case. They wanted the government to apologize, which Zaid advocated, and they sought to expose those responsible for what he called "a serious blemish on our judicial history".[95] The implications, however, went far beyond that single event. Waiting on the sidelines were a number of influential People's Front politicians with sound reasons to think they also had been victimized by Mahathir-era courts and deserved the chance for redress. Among them were Anwar Ibrahim, Democratic Action Party leader Lim Guan Eng, who became chief minister of Penang after the election, and opposition parliamentarian Wee Choo Keong. They could be counted on to become more insistent in their demands for legal justice as they moved closer to the centre of political power.
The findings of the royal commission into the videotape scandal spelled more trouble for Dr. Mahathir. In a 191-page report, the five commissioners found evidence that top government officials, including the former prime minister, a lawyer and a businessman were involved in fixing the appointment of judges. "We are of the view that there was, conceivably, an insidious movement" by Lingam, the lawyer, "with the covert assistance of his close friends", Vincent Tan, the businessman, and Tunku Adnan Mansor, then a deputy minister in the Prime Minister's Department, "to involve themselves actively in the appointment of judges". In particular, the report said, they got involved in the appointment of Ahmad Fairuz Sheikh Abdul Halim as chief judge, Malaya, the third-highest position in the judiciary, and his subsequent promotion to president, court of appeal, the second-highest position. "In the process, Tun Mahathir Mohamad was also entangled," the report said.
On Cabinet's orders, the attorney general was instructed to investigate the six people identified in the report for possible offences, such as obstruction of justice, sedition and leaking state secrets. Not only was Dr. Mahathir under official investigation, but he was also closely tied to three of the others. Based on Vincent Tan's testimony, the commissioners said it was clear that Tan, Lingam, Adnan and Dr. Mahathir were long-term friends and business associates "whose lives are inextricably linked both personally and in the tentacles" of Tan's corporate empire "and various business projects" that required the former prime minister's backing.
Dr. Mahathir responded with a mixture of bravado and belligerence, while issuing a threat of his own. He saw the Abdullah administration's actions not as steps towards restoring public faith in the judiciary but as an attempt to "draw allegations against me for my alleged misdeeds" and to "shut my mouth should I find occasion to criticize the present government".[96] He welcomed any move to investigate him. "But don't give up halfway and claim there is no case against me," he said. "I want to go all the way to court. Let me expose many other things in open court."[97]
Soon after, Dr. Mahathir resigned from UMNO, saying he would rejoin once Abdullah was no longer leading the party. It seemed to be a desperate attempt to persuade UMNO's 3.2 million members to choose between him and Abdullah, and it contradicted his parting advice to them five years earlier to "be loyal" and "put the party first".[98] The most notable members who answered Dr. Mahathir's appeal to follow him were his wife and their wealthy businessman son, Mokhzani, who once was treasurer of the party's youth wing but was no longer active in politics. Another son, Mukhriz, who won a parliamentary seat in the election and joined his father in demanding that Abdullah resign, remained in UMNO.
Although Dr. Mahathir's standing, image and dignity had taken a battering, and he was left exposed to further reputational damage and possible criminal charges, he could never be counted out. Abdullah's indecisiveness following the election debacle created a longing among some Malays for the orderliness and predictability of the Mahathir era. With a distinct whiff of nostalgia in the air, Abdullah was forced to retire early in 2009, before a previously agreed 2010 deadline. He fell victim to an UMNO power play led by Muhyiddin Yassin, a vice president and former ally, subtly supported by Najib. Both were urged on by Dr. Mahathir, writing in his blog, who said they were the best two leaders to run the country.[99] Under the new arrangement, UMNO's General Assembly was postponed for three months, until March 2009. Abdullah agreed not to contest the presidency of the party and Najib was the only candidate to replace him. Muhyiddin defeated a rival in a ballot to become deputy party president.
The backroom choreographed leadership transition ended Abdullah's generally unhappy prime ministership, which was hobbled by his own ineptitude and lethargy, but also obstructed by entrenched UMNO interests opposed to reform. Although Abdullah near the end managed to push several bills through Parliament aimed at restoring confidence in the judiciary and strengthening the fight against corruption, almost no one had a good word to say for the watered-down pieces of legislation.[100] Abdullah was angered by the open politicking of Dr. Mahathir and Muhyiddin to get him to quit even earlier. He said Dr. Mahathir had left UMNO, but was still issuing orders to party members. "Who is he?" Abdullah said.[101]
Abdullah found out who Dr. Mahathir was on 28 March 2009, the final session of the five-day General Assembly. Wearing a striking mauve shirt and accompanied by his wife Dr.
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