An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith (ebook reader with highlighter txt) 📖
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was dearer in both parts of the united kingdom than during that of the
present. This is a matter of fact which cannot now admit of any reasonable
doubt ; and the proof of it is, if possible, still more decisive with regard
to Scotland than with regard to England. It is in Scotland supported by the
evidence of the public fiars, annual valuations made upon oath, according to
the actual state of the markets, of all the different sorts of grain in
every different county of Scotland. If such direct proof could require any
collateral evidence to confirm it, I would observe, that this has likewise
been the case in France, and probably in most other parts of Europe. With
regard to France, there is the clearest proof. But though it is certain,
that in both parts of the united kingdom grain was somewhat dearer in the
last century than in the present, it is equally certain that labour was much
cheaper. If the labouring poor, therefore, could bring up their families
then, they must be much more at their ease now. In the last century, the
most usual day-wages of common labour through the greater part of Scotland
were sixpence in summer, and fivepence in winter. Three shillings a-week,
the same price, very nearly still continues to be paid in some parts of the
Highlands and Western islands. Through the greater part of the Low country,
the most usual wages of common labour are now eight pence a-day ; tenpence,
sometimes a shilling, about Edinburgh, in the counties which border upon
England, probably on account of that neighbourhood, and in a few other
places where there has lately been a considerable rise in the demand for
labour, about Glasgow, Carron, Ayrshire, etc. In England, the improvements
of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, began much earlier than in
Scotland. The demand for labour, and consequently its price, must
necessarily have increased with those improvements. In the last century,
accordingly, as well as in the present, the wages of labour were higher in
England than in Scotland. They have risen, too, considerably since that
time, though, on account of the greater variety of wages paid there in
different places, it is more difficult to ascertain how much. In 1614, the
pay of a foot soldier was the same as in the present times, eightpence
a-day. When it was first established, it would naturally be regulated by the
usual wages of common labourers, the rank of people from which foot soldiers
are commonly drawn. Lord-chief-justice Hales, who wrote in the time of
Charles II. computes the necessary expense of a labourer’s family,
consisting of six persons, the father and mother, two children able to do
something, and two not able, at ten shillings a-week, or twenty-six pounds
a-year. If they cannot earn this by their labour, they must make it up, he
supposes, either by begging or stealing. He appears to have enquired very
carefully into this subject {See his scheme for the maintenance of the
poor, in Burn’s History of the Poor Laws.}. In 1688, Mr Gregory King, whose
skill in political arithmetic is so much extolled by Dr Davenant, computed
the ordinary income of labourers and out-servants to be fifteen pounds
a-year to a family, which he supposed to consist, one with another, of three
and a half persons. His calculation, therefore, though different in
appearance, corresponds very nearly at bottom with that of Judge Hales. Both
suppose the weekly expense of such families to be about twentypence a-head.
Both the pecuniary income and expense of such families have increased
considerably since that time through the greater part of the kingdom, in
some places more, and in some less, though perhaps scarce anywhere so much
as some exaggerated accounts of the present wages of labour have lately
represented them to the public. The price of labour, it must be observed,
cannot be ascertained very accurately anywhere, different prices being often
paid at the same place and for the same sort of labour, not only according
to the different abilities of the workman, but according to the easiness or
hardness of the masters. Where wages are not regulated by law, all that we
can pretend to determine is, what are the most usual; and experience seems
to shew that law can never regulate them properly, though it has often
pretended to do so.
The real recompence of labour, the real quantity of the necessaries and
conveniencies of life which it can procure to the labourer, has, during the
course of the present century, increased perhaps in a still greater
proportion than its money price. Not only grain has become somewhat cheaper,
but many other things, from which the industrious poor derive an agreeable
and wholesome variety of food, have become a great deal cheaper. Potatoes,
for example, do not at present, through the greater part of the kingdom,
cost half the price which they used to do thirty or forty years ago. The
same thing may be said of turnips, carrots, cabbages ; things which were
formerly never raised but by the spade, but which are now commonly raised by
the plough. All sort of garden stuff, too, has become cheaper. The greater
part of the apples, and even of the onions, consumed in Great Britain, were,
in the last century, imported from Flanders. The great improvements in the
coarser manufactories of both linen and woollen cloth furnish the labourers
with cheaper and better clothing; and those in the manufactories of the
coarser metals, with cheaper and better instruments of trade, as well as
with many agreeable and convenient pieces of household furniture. Soap,
salt, candles, leather, and fermented liquors, have, indeed, become a good
deal dearer, chiefly from the taxes which have been laid upon them. The
quantity of these, however, which the labouring poor an under any necessity
of consuming, is so very small, that the increase in their price does not
compensate the diminution in that of so many other things. The common
complaint, that luxury extends itself even to the lowest ranks of the
people, and that the labouring poor will not now be contented with the same
food, clothing, and lodging, which satisfied them in former times, may
convince us that it is not the money price of labour only, but its real
recompence, which has augmented.
Is this improvement in the circumstances of the lower ranks of the people to
be regarded as an advantage, or as an inconveniency, to the society ? The
answer seems at first abundantly plain. Servants, labourers, and workmen of
different kinds, make up the far greater part of every great political
society. But what improves the circumstances of the greater part, can never
be regarded as any inconveniency to the whole. No society can surely be
flourishing and happy, of which the far greater part of the members are poor
and miserable. It is but equity, besides, that they who feed, clothe, and
lodge the whole body of the people, should have such a share of the produce
of their own labour as to be themselves tolerably well fed, clothed, and
lodged.
Poverty, though it no doubt discourages, does not always prevent, marriage.
It seems even to be favourable to generation. A half-starved Highland woman
frequently bears more than twenty children, while a pampered fine lady is
often incapable of bearing any, and is generally exhausted by two or three.
Barrenness, so frequent among women of fashion, is very rare among those of
inferior station. Luxury, in the fair sex, while it inflames, perhaps, the
passion for enjoyment, seems always to weaken, and frequently to destroy
altogether, the powers of generation.
But poverty, though it does not prevent the generation, is extremely
unfavourable to the rearing of children. The tender plant is produced ; but
in so cold a soil, and so severe a climate, soon withers and dies. It is not
uncommon, I have been frequently told, in the Highlands of Scotland, for a
mother who has born twenty children not to have two alive. Several officers
of great experience have assured me, that, so far from recruiting their
regiment, they have never been able to supply it with drums and fifes, from
all the soldiers’ children that were born in it. A greater number of fine
children, however, is seldom seen anywhere than about a barrack of soldiers.
Very few of them, it seems, arrive at the age of thirteen or fourteen. In
some places, one half the children die before they are four years of age, in
many places before they are seven, and in almost all places before they are
nine or ten. This great mortality, however will everywhere be found chiefly
among the children of the common people, who cannot afford to tend them with
the same care as those of better station. Though their marriages are
generally more fruitful than those of people of fashion, a smaller
proportion of their children arrive at maturity. In foundling hospitals, and
among the children brought up by parish charities, the mortality is still
greater than among those of the common people.
Every species of animals naturally multiplies in proportion to the
means of their subsistence, and no species can ever multiply be yond it. But
in civilized society, it is only among the inferior ranks of people that the
scantiness of subsistence can set limits to the further multiplication of
the human species ; and it can do so in no other way than by destroying a
great part of the children which their fruitful marriages produce.
The liberal reward of labour, by enabling them to provide better for their
children, and consequently to bring up a greater number, naturally tends to
widen and extend those limits. It deserves to be remarked, too, that it
necessarily does this as nearly as possible in the proportion which the
demand for labour requires. If this demand is continually increasing, the
reward of labour must necessarily encourage in such a manner the marriage
and multiplication of labourers, as may enable them to supply that
continually increasing demand by a continually increasing population. If the
reward should at any time be less than what was requisite for this purpose,
the deficiency of hands would soon raise it ; and if it should at any time
be more, their excessive multiplication would soon lower it to this
necessary rate. The market would be so much understocked with labour in the
one case, and so much overstocked in the other, as would soon force back its
price to that proper rate which the circumstances of the society required.
It is in this manner that the demand for men, like that for any other
commodity, necessarily regulates the production of men, quickens it when it
goes on too slowly, and stops it when it advances too fast. It is this
demand which regulates and determines the state of propagation in all the
different countries of the world ; in North America, in Europe, and in China
; which renders it rapidly progressive in the first, slow and gradual in the
second, and altogether stationary in the last.
The wear and tear of a slave, it has been said, is at the expense of his
master ; but that of a free servant is at his own expense. The wear and tear
of the latter, however, is, in reality, as much at the expense of his master
as that of the former. The wages paid to journeymen and servants of every
kind must be such as may enable them, one with another to continue the race
of journeymen and servants, according as the increasing, diminishing, or
stationary demand of the society, may happen to require. But though the wear
and tear of a free servant be equally at the expense of his master, it
generally costs him
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