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the debate between these

two authors see in particular their contributions to the volume edited by Michael

Berenbaum and Abraham J. Peck, The Holocaust and History: The Known, the

Unknown, the Disputed, and the Reexamined (Bloomington and Indianapolis, 1998).

On the Goldhagen debate in Germany and the USA, see Franklin H. Littell, ed., Hyping

the Holocaust: Scholars Answer Goldhagen (Merion Station, 1997); Johannes Heil and

Rainer Erb, eds, Geschichtswissenschaft und Öffentlichkeit. Der Streit um Daniel

J. Goldhagen (Frankfurt a. M., 1998); Robert R. Shandley, ed., Unwilling Germans?

440

Notes to pages 3–11

The Goldhagen Debate (Minneapolis, 1998); Geoff Ely, ed., The ‘Goldhagen Effect’:

History, Memory, Nazism—Facing the German Past (Ann Arbor, 2000).

19. In this context see Gerhard Paul’s highly polemical work, which focuses on the deficits of the structuralist school in particular using the most recent research on perpetrators:

‘Von Psychopathen, Technokraten des Terrors und “ganz gewöhnlichen Deutschen”.

Die TĂ€ter der Shoah im Spiegel der Forschung’, in Gerhard Paul, ed., Die TĂ€ter der

Shoah. Fanatische Nationalsozialisten oder ganz gewöhnliche Deutsche (Göttingen,

2002), 13–80.

20. That this movement to advance beyond one-dimensional explanations has in fact long

been in train can be shown using three straightforward examples: Ulrich Herbert

showed in his Best biography of 1996 that when implementing racist policy there was

no contradiction for the perpetrators between their overall world-view and the logic of

a given individual situation (see Ulrich Herbert, Best. Biographische Studien ĂŒber

Radikalismus, Weltanschauung und Vernunft, 1903–1989 (Bonn, 1996) ). Gerhard Paul

rightly renounces any attempt to try to create a homogeneous image of the perpetrators

and shows that Nazi perpetrators came from a range of different social milieus, had

highly diverse educational backgrounds, and belonged to several different generations

(see Paul, ‘Psychopathen’). The social psychologist Harald Welzer has demonstrated

that when analysing the behaviour of mass murderers historians have hitherto only

very sporadically made use of explanations available in the work of sociologists (see

Harald Welzer, TÀter. Wie aus ganz normalen Menschen Massenmörder wurden

(Frankfurt a. M., 2005) ).

21. This is the subject of my book ‘Davon haben wir nichts gewusst’. Die Deutschen und die Judenverfolgung, 1933–1945 (Munich, 2006).

Historical Background: Anti-Semitism in the Weimar Republic

1. On anti-Semitism in Imperial Germany, see for example: Richard S. Levy, The

Downfall of the Anti-Semitic Political Parties in Imperial Germany (New Haven and

London, 1975); Werner Mosse and Arnold Paucker, eds, Juden im Wilhelminischen

Deutschland, 1890–1914 (TĂŒbingen, 1976); Werner Jochmann, Gesellschaftskrise und

Judenfeindschaft in Deutschland, 1870–1945 (Hamburg, 1988); Peter Pulzer, Jews and

the German State (Oxford, 1992); Michael A. Meyer, ed., with Michael Brenner,

German-Jewish History in Modern Times, 4 vols (New York and Chichester, 1996–

8), vol. iii: Steven M. Löwenstein et al., Integration in Dispute, 1871–1918; Peter Alter, Claus-Ekkehard BĂ€rsch, Peter Berghoff, et al., Die Konstruktion der Nation gegen die

Juden (Munich, 1999); Shulamit Volkov, Antisemitismus als kultureller Code. Zehn

Essays, 2nd edn (Munich, 2000).

2. On anti-Semitism in the First World War, see Jochmann, Gesellschaftskrise, and

Werner Angress, ‘The German Army’s “Judenzaehlung” of 1916: Genesis—Conse-

quences—Significance’, in LBIY 23 (1978), 117–37.

3. See James N. Retallack, Notables of the Right: The Conservative Party and Political

Mobilisation in Germany 1876–1918 (London, 1988).

4. On anti-Semitism in the Weimar Republic, see Arnold Paucker, Der jĂŒdische Abwehr-

kampf gegen Antisemitismus und Nationalsozialismus in den letzten Jahren der Weimarer

Notes to pages 11–13

441

Republik (Hamburg, 1968); Dirk Walter, Antisemitische KriminalitÀt und Gewalt.

Judenfeindschaft in der Weimarer Republik (Bonn, 1999); Michael Wildt, Volks-

gemeinschaft als SelbstermÀchtigung. Gewalt gegen Juden in der deutschen Provinz

1919 bis 1939 (Hamburg, 2007), 69 ff.

5. On nationalism in the Weimar Republic, see: Ernst von Salomon, Der Fragebogen

(Hamburg, 1951); Kurt Sontheimer, Antidemokratisches Denken in der Weimarer

Republik (Munich, 1962); Klemens von Klemperer, Germany’s New Conservatism:

Its History and Dilemma in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, 1968); Heide Gersten-

berger, Der revolutionÀre Konservatismus. Ein Beitrag zur Analyse des Liberalismus

(Berlin, 1969); Marjrjatta Hietala, Der neue Nationalismus in der Publizistik Ernst

JĂŒngers und des Kreises um ihn (Helsinki, 1975); Klaus Fritzsche, Politische Romantik

und Gegenrevolution. Fluchtweg in der Krise der bĂŒrgerlichen Gesellschaft: Das Beispiel

des ‘Tat’-Kreises (Frankafurt a. M., 1976); Joachim Petzold, Wegbereiter des deutschen

Faschismus. Die Jungkonservativen in der Weimarer Republik (Cologne, 1983); Yuji

Ishida, Jungkonservative in der Weimarer Republik. Der Ring-Kreis 1928–1933 (Frank-

furt, 1988); Jost Hermand, Old Dreams of a New Reich: Volkish Utopias and National

Socialism (Bloomington, 1992). In Ordnungen der Ungleichheit—die deutsche Rechte

im Widerstreit ihrer Idee 1871–1945 (Darmstadt, 2001), 79 ff., Stefan Breuer shows how

after 1848 liberal and conservative camps came to an agreement over the concept of

state nationalism (Staatsnation) and distanced themselves from ethnically based

concepts of the state.

6. On the German notion of the people (das Volk) see above all Reinhard Koselleck, ‘Volk, Nation’, in Otto Brunner, Werner Conze, Reinhard Koselleck, eds, Geschichliche

Grundbegriffe. Historisches Lexikon zur politischen und sozialen Sprache in Deutsch-

land, vol. vii (Stuttgart, 1992), 141–431. See also Peter Fritzsche, Germans into Nazis

(Cambridge, Mass., 1998).

7. On the pre-1918 völkisch movement see Uwe Puschner, Die völkische Bewegung im

wilhelminischen Kaiserreich. Sprache, Rasse, Religion (Darmstadt, 2001).

8. Daniel Frymann [Heinrich Class], Wenn ich der Kaiser wĂ€r—Politische Wahrheiten

und Notwendigkeiten (Leipzig, 1912).

9. See Walter, Antisemitische KriminalitÀt, 27 ff. and Wildt, Volksgemeinschaft.

10. On the history of the League’s foundation, see Uwe Lohalm, Völkischer Radikalismus.

Die Geschichte des Deutschvölkischen Schutz- und Trutz-Bundes, 1919–1923 (Hamburg,

1970), 19 ff.

11. On its structure and mode of operation, see Lohalm, Völkischer Radikalismus, 78 ff.

12. See ibid. 194 ff.

13. Exclusion from state citizenship (nos. 4,5), exclusion from public office (no. 8) and from the press (no. 23). Cited from J. Noakes and G. Pridham, eds, Nazism 1919–1945, vol. i:

The Rise to Power 1919–1934 (Exeter, 1998), 14–16.

14. See also the collection of Hitler’s speeches in Eberhard JĂ€ckel, ed., Adolf Hitler,

SĂ€mtliche Aufzeichnungen, 1905–1924 (Stuttgart, 1980).

15. See Walter, Antisemitische KriminalitĂ€t, 41 ff. and Werner Liebe, Die Deutschnationale Volkspartei 1918–1924 (DĂŒsseldorf, 1956).

16. See Jan Striesow, Die Deutschnationale Volkspartei und die Völkisch-Radikalen, 1918–

1922, 2 vols (Frankfurt a. M., 1981), ii. 282 ff.

442

Notes to pages 13–17

17. Deutschvölkisches Jahrbuch 2 (1921), 125 ff. (compiled by Alfred Roth).

18. On the Jungdeutscher Orden see Klaus Hornung, Der Jungdeutsche Orden (DĂŒsseldorf,

1958).

19. On this see the official organ of the Order, Der Jungdeutsche, in particular the issues of 5

Apr. 1924 (Mahraun on Young Germans and Jews); 27 Jan. 1926 (a speech given by

Mahraun on 25 Jan.) and 12 June 1926 (an editorial on the ‘Jewish question’).

20. See the article ‘Deutschvölkischer Schutz- und Trutzbund’, in Dieter Fricke, ed.,

Lexikon zur Parteiengeschichte. Die

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