The history of Herodotus - Volume 2 by Herodotus (red white and royal blue hardcover .TXT) 📖

ou polles khreon
esti umeas makhas anaballesthai, parekhon de tes Asies arkhein
allo ti airesesthe}; the first clause being in sense subordinate
to the second.

37. {es triten emeren}.

38. {diaphthereei se}. It is impossible to reproduce the double
meaning of {diaphtheirein}, "to destroy," and "to corrupt with
bribes." The child was apparently alarmed by the vehement gestures
of Aristagoras and supposed that he was going to kill her father.
Cleomenes accepts the omen.

39. {stathmoi}: "stations," the distance between them averaging here
about 120 stades.

40. {parasaggai}: the "parasang," as estimated at 30 stades, would be
nearly 3½ English miles.

40a. i.e. a narrow pass; so also below in speaking of the passes into
Kilikia.

41. In the MSS. this clause follows the account of the four rivers,
and the distance through Matiene is given as "four stages" with no
number of leagues added. By transposing the clause we avoid
placing the rivers in Armenia instead of Matiene; and by making
the number of stages thirty-four, with a corresponding number of
leagues, we make the total right at the end and give the proper
extension to Matiene.

42. i.e. Zabatos: the name has perhaps fallen out of the text.

43. {o d' usteron}: "the one mentioned afterwards." Stein reads {o d'
usteros}.

44. See i. 189.

45. {parasagges}.

46. {stadia}: the stade being equal to 606¾ English feet.

47. Reckoned for the march of an army.

48. Omitting {to eoutou pathei} which stands in the MSS. before
{enargestaten}. If the words are retained, we must translate
"which clearly pointed to his fate."

49. {apeipamenos ten opsin}, which some translate "he made offerings
to avert the dream."

49a. {tisi}: many Editors adopt the conjecture {trisi}, three.

50. {anetheken eon}: various conjectures have been made here, e.g.
{anetheken elon}, {anetheken ion}, {anetheke theo}, {anetheken
eont}, {anetheke neon}: the last, which is Bentley's, is perhaps
the best; but it is doubtful whether the active form of the verb
is admissible.

51. {autos}: the MSS. have {auton}. If {autos} is right, the meaning
is "from his own property."

52. The expression {Peisistratidai} is used loosely for the family in
general.

53. {porinou lithou}, "tufa."

53a. Or "of God."

54. {Koniaion}. There is no such place as Conion known in Thessaly,
but we cannot correct the text with any certainty.

55. There is perhaps a play of words in {basileus} and {leuster}.

56. {prutaneio}.

57. "Rulers of the people."

58. "Swine-ites."

59. "Ass-ites."

60. "Pig-ites."

61. {proteron aposmenon, tote panta}: most of the MSS. read {panton}
for {panta}. The Editors propose various corrections, e.g.
{proteron apospenon panton, tote k.t.l.}, "which before were
excluded from everything," or {proteron apospenon, tote panton
metadidous}, "giving the people, which before he had despised, a
share of all rights": or {panton} is corrected to {epanion}, "on
his return from exile," temporary exile being supposed as the
result of the defeat mentioned in ch. 66.

62. {tous enageas}.

63. i.e. of Athene Polias in the Erechtheion.

64. Cp. iv. 145.

64a. {tous boethous}: most of the MSS. have {tous Boiotous}.

65. {ippobotai}.

66. {dimneos apotimesamenoi}.

67. See viii. 53.

68. {isegorin}: probably not "equal freedom of speech," but
practically the same as {isonomie}, ch. 37.

69. Lit. "penetrated the Athenian greatly": most MSS. and Editors read
{esineonto} (or {esinonto}) for {esikneonto}, which is given by
the first hand in at least two good MSS.

70. i.e. "Athene (protectress) of the city," who shared with
Erechtheus the temple on the Acropolis called the "Erechtheion";
see viii. 55.

71. More lit. "to give and receive from one another satisfaction."

72. {eti tode poiesai nomon einai, para sphisi ekateroisi k.t.l.} The
Editors punctuate variously, and alterations have been proposed in
the text.

73. i.e. Damia and Auxesia.

74. {ginoito}: some MSS. read {an ginoito}, "would become": so Stein
and many other Editors.

75. Some Editors omit this clause, "whither-refuge."

76. "having grown a good opinion of itself."

76a. Or, altering {oste} to {os ge} or {osper}, "as the neighbours of
these men first of all, that is the Bœotians and Chalkidians, have
already learnt, and perhaps some others will afterwards learn that
they have committed an error." The word {amarton} would thus be
added as an afterthought, with reference primarily to the
Corinthians, see ch. 75.

77. {peiresometha spheas ama umin apikomenoi tisasthai}: some MSS.
read {akeomenoi} and omit {tisasthai}. Hence it has been proposed
to read {peisesometha sphea ama umin akeomenoi}, "we will
endeavour to remedy this with your help," which may be right.

78. So the name is given by the better class of MSS. Others, followed
by most Editors, make it "Sosicles."

79. {isokratias}.

80. Lit. "gave and took (in marriage) from one another."

81. {Eetion, outis se tiei polutiton eonta}: the play upon {Eetion}
and {tio} can hardly be rendered. The "rolling rock" in the next
line is an allusion to Petra, the name of the deme.

82. {aietos en petresi kuei}, with a play upon the names {Eetion}
({Aeton}) and {Petre} again.

83. {ophruoenta}, "situated on a brow or edge," the regular
descriptive epithet of Corinth.

84. {kupselen}: cp. Aristoph. Pax, 631.

85. {amphidexion}: commonly translated "ambiguous," but in fact the
oracle is of the clearest, so much so that Abicht cuts the knot by
inserting {ouk}. Stein explains it to mean "doubly favourable,"
{amphoterothen dexion}. I understand it to mean "two-edged" (cp.
{amphekes}), in the sense that while promising success to Kypselos
and his sons, it prophesies also the deposition of the family in
the generation after, and so acts (or cuts) both ways.

86. {anapodizon}, "calling him back over the same ground again."

87. Evidently the war must be dated earlier than the time of
Peisistratos.

87a. Or (according to some MSS.), "another of the citizens, named
Hermophantos."

88. {tes sulloges oste tauta sunuphanthenai}, "the assembling together
so that these things were woven."

89. {kai allos lematos pleos}.

90. {plospheresteron}, or perhaps {plopheresteron}, "to be preferred";
so one MS.: {plospheres} ordinarily means "like."

91. {drepano}, cp. vii. 93.

92. {delade}, ironical.

93. Or, "Labranda."

94. i.e. Carians, Persians, and Ionians.

95. {en Pedaso}: the MSS. vary between {en Pidaso, epi daso}, and {epi
lasoisi}, and Valla's translation has "in viam quae in Mylassa
fert." Some Editors read {epi Mulasoisi}, others {epi Pedaso}.

96. {egkerasamenos pregmata megala}.

97. {andros logopoiou}.


BOOK VI

THE SIXTH BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED ERATO

1. Aristagoras accordingly, after having caused Ionia to revolt, thus brought his life to an end; and meanwhile Histiaios the despot of Miletos, having been let go by Dareios had arrived at Sardis: and when he came from Susa, Artaphrenes the governor of Sardis asked him for what reason he supposed the Ionians had revolted; and he said that he could not tell, and moreover he expressed wonder at that which had happened, pretending that he knew nothing of the state of affairs. Then Artaphrenes seeing that he was using dissimulation said, having knowledge of the truth about the revolt: "Thus it is with thee, Histiaios, about these matters,-this shoe was stitched by thee, and put on by Aristagoras." 2. Thus said Artaphrenes with reference to the revolt; and Histiaios fearing Artaphrenes because he understood the matter, ran away the next night at nightfall and went to the sea- coast, having deceived king Dareios, seeing that he had engaged to subdue Sardinia the largest of islands, and instead of that he was endeavouring to take upon himself leadership of the Ionians in the war against Dareios. Then having crossed over to Chios he was put in bonds by the Chians, being accused by them of working for a change of their State by suggestion of Dareios. When however the Chians learnt the whole story and heard that he was an enemy to the king, they released him. 3. Then Histiaios, being asked by the Ionians for what reason he had so urgently charged Aristagoras to revolt from the king and had wrought so great an evil for the Ionians, did not by any means declare to them that which had been in truth the cause, but reported to them that king Dareios had resolved to remove the Phenicians from their land and to settle them in Ionia, and the Ionians in Phenicia; and for this reason, he said, he had given the charge. Thus he attempted to alarm the Ionians, although the king had never resolved to do so at all.

4. After this Histiaios acting through a messenger, namely Hermippos a man of Atarneus, sent papers to the Persians who were at Sardis, implying that he had already talked matters over with them about a revolt: and Hermippos did not deliver them to those to whom he was sent, but bore the papers and put them into the hands of Artaphrenes. He then, perceiving all that was being done, bade Hermippos bear the papers sent by Histiaios and deliver them to those to whom he was sent to bear them, and to deliver to him the replies sent back by the Persians to Histiaios. These things having been discovered, Artaphrenes upon that put to death many of the Persians.

5. As regards Sardis therefore there was confusion of the design; and when Histiaios had been disappointed of this hope, the Chians attempted to restore him to Miletos at the request of Histiaios himself. The Milesians, however, who had been rejoiced before to be rid of Aristagoras, were by no means eager to receive another despot into their land, seeing that they had tasted of liberty: and in fact Histiaios, attempting to return to Miletos by force and under cover of night, was wounded in the thigh by one of the Milesians. He then, being repulsed from his own city, returned to Chios; and thence, as he could not persuade the Chians to give him ships, he crossed over to Mytilene and endeavoured to persuade the Lesbians to give him ships. So they manned eight triremes