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East to West, then from West to East, then
again from East to West, and finally back to East again. This
seems to be the meaning attached by Herodotus to something which
he was told about astronomical cycles.

[128] {ouk eontas}: this is the reading of all the best MSS., and also
fits in best with the argument, which was that in Egypt gods were
quite distinct from men. Most Editors however read {oikeontas} on
the authority of a few MSS., "dwelling with men." (The reading of
the Medicean MS. is {ouk eontas}, not {oukeontas} as stated by
Stein.)

[129] i.e. that the Hellenes borrowed these divinities from Egypt, see
ch. 43 ff. This refers to all the three gods above mentioned and
not (as Stein contended) to Pan and Dionysos only.

[130] {kai toutous allous}, i.e. as well as Heracles; but it may mean
"that these also, distinct from the gods, had been born," etc. The
connexion seems to be this: "I expressed my opinion on all these
cases when I spoke of the case of Heracles; for though the
statement there about Heracles was in one respect inapplicable to
the rest, yet in the main conclusion that gods are not born of men
it applies to all."

[131] {stadioi}.

[132] {mneas}, of which 60 go to the talent.

[133] Cp. ch. 112.

[134] {neos}.

[135] I understand that each wall consisted of a single stone, which
gave the dimensions each way: "as regards height and length"
therefore it was made of a single stone. That it should have been
a monolith, except the roof, is almost impossible, not only
because of the size mentioned (which in any case is suspicious),
but because no one would so hollow out a monolith that it would be
necessary afterwards to put on another stone for the roof. The
monolith chamber mentioned in ch. 175, which it took three years
to convey from Elephantine, measured only 21 cubits by 14 by 8.
The {parorophis} or "cornice" is not an "eave projecting four
cubits," but (as the word is explained by Pollux) a cornice
between ceiling and roof, measuring in this instance four cubits
in height and formed by the thickness of the single stone: see
Letronne, Recherches pour servir, etc. p. 80 (quoted by BΓ€hr).

[136] {erpase}, "took as plunder."

[137] {aparti}: this word is not found in any MS. but was read here by
the Greek grammarians.

[137a] i.e. 120,000.

[138] Cp. iv. 159.

[139] {kuneen}, perhaps the royal helmet or /Pschent/, cp. ch. 151.

[140] {apemataise}, euphemism for breaking wind.

[141] {oudena logon auto donta}: many Editors change {auto} to
{eouto}, in which case it means "taking no time to consider the
matter," as elsewhere in Herodotus; but cp. iii. 50 {istoreonti
logon audena edidou}.

[142] {nomon}, and so throughout the passage.

[142a] i.e. 160,000.

[142b] i.e. 250,000.

[143] {arourai}, cp. ch. 141.

[144] {ekaston}: if {ekastoi} be read (for which there is more MS.
authority) the meaning will be that "a thousand Calasirians and a
thousand Hermotybians acted as guards alternately, each for a
year," the number at a time being 1000 not 2000.

[144a] {pente mneai}.

[145] {arusteres}, {kotulai}.

[146] {tou neou}.

[147] {e trokhoiedes kaleomene}, "the Wheel."

[148] The last words, "and when-again," are not found in the best
MSS., and are omitted by Stein. However their meaning, if not
expressed, is implied.

[149] {pugonos}.

[150] {tou autou eontes lithou}: some MSS. and many Editors have
{Aithiopikou} for {tou autou}, "of Ethiopian stone." For {eontes}
the MSS. have {eontos}, which may be right, referring to {tou
bathrou} understood, "the base being made of," etc.

[151] {tou megalou}, a conjecture founded upon Valla's version, which
has been confirmed by a MS. The other MSS. have {tou megarou},
which is retained by some Editors, "on each side of the
sanctuary."

[152] "are claiming a share when no part in it belongs to them."

[153] Or possibly of alum: but the gift seems a very small one in any
case. Some propose to read {eikosi mneas khrusou}.

[154] Or, according to a few MSS., "Battos the son of Arkesilaos."

[155] "thou hast surely perished."


BOOK III

THE THIRD BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED THALEIA

1. Against this Amasis then Cambyses the son of Cyrus was making his march, taking with him not only other nations of which he was ruler, but also Hellenes, both Ionians and Aiolians:[1] and the cause of the expedition was as follows:-Cambyses sent an envoy to Egypt and asked Amasis to give him his daughter; and he made the request by counsel of an Egyptian, who brought this upon Amasis[2] having a quarrel with him for the following reason:-at the time when Cyrus sent to Amasis and asked him for a physician of the eyes, whosoever was the best of those in Egypt, Amasis had selected him from all the physicians in Egypt and had torn him away from his wife and children and delivered him up to Persia. Having, I say, this cause of quarrel, the Egyptian urged Cambyses on by his counsel bidding him ask Amasis for his daughter, in order that he might either be grieved if he gave her, or if he refused to give her, might offend Cambyses. So Amasis, who was vexed by the power of the Persians and afraid of it, knew neither how to give nor how to refuse: for he was well assured that Cambyses did not intend to have her as his wife but as a concubine. So making account of the matter thus, he did as follows:-there was a daughter of Apries the former king, very tall and comely of form and the only person left of his house, and her name was Nitetis. This girl Amasis adorned with raiment and with gold, and sent her away to Persia as his own daughter: but after a time, when Cambyses saluted her calling her by the name of her father, the girl said to him: "O king, thou dost not perceive how thou hast been deceived by Amasis; for he adorned me with ornaments and sent me away giving me to thee as his own daughter, whereas in truth I am the daughter of Apries against whom Amasis rose up with the Egyptians and murdered him, who was his lord and master." These words uttered and this occasion having arisen, led Cambyses the son of Cyrus against Egypt, moved to very great anger. 2. Such is the report made by the Persians; but as for the Egyptians they claim Cambyses as one of themselves, saying that he was born of this very daughter of Apries; for they say that Cyrus was he who sent to Amasis for his daughter, and not Cambyses. In saying this however they say not rightly; nor can they have failed to observe (for the Egyptians fully as well as any other people are acquainted with the laws and customs of the Persians), first that it is not customary among them for a bastard to become king, when there is a son born of a true marriage, and secondly that Cambyses was the son of Cassandane the daughter of Pharnaspes, a man of the Achaimenid family, and not the son of the Egyptian woman: but they pervert the truth of history, claiming to be kindred with the house of Cyrus. Thus it is with these matters; 3, and the following story is also told, which for my part I do not believe, namely that one of the Persian women came in to the wives of Cyrus, and when she saw standing by the side of Cassandane children comely of form and tall, she was loud in her praises of them, expressing great admiration; and Cassandane, who was the wife of Cyrus, spoke as follows: "Nevertheless, though I am the mother of such children of these, Cyrus treats me with dishonour and holds in honour her whom he has brought in from Egypt." Thus she spoke, they say, being vexed by Nitetis, and upon that Cambyses the elder of her sons said: "For this cause, mother, when I am grown to be a man, I will make that which is above in Egypt to be below, and that which is below above." This he is reported to have said when he was perhaps about ten years old, and the women were astonished by it: and he, they say, kept it ever in mind, and so at last when he had become a man and had obtained the royal power, he made the expedition against Egypt.

4. Another thing also contributed to this expedition, which was as follows:-There was among the foreign mercenaries[3] of Amasis a man who was by race of Halicarnassos, and his name was Phanes, one who was both capable in judgment and valiant in that which pertained to war. This Phanes, having (as we may suppose) some quarrel with Amasis, fled away from Egypt in a ship, desiring to come to speech with Cambyses: and as he was of no small repute among the mercenaries and was very closely acquainted with all the affairs of Egypt, Amasis pursued him and considered it a matter of some moment to capture him: and he pursued by sending after him the most trusted of his eunuchs with a trireme, who captured him in Lykia; but having captured him he did not bring him back to Egypt, since Phanes got the better of him by cunning; for he made his guards drunk and escaped to Persia. So when Cambyses had made his resolve to march upon Egypt, and was in difficulty about the march, as to how he should get safely through the waterless region, this man came to him and besides informing of the other matters of Amasis, he instructed him also as to the march, advising him to send to the king of the Arabians and ask that he would give him safety of passage through this region. 5. Now by this way only is there a known entrance to Egypt: for from Phenicia to the borders of the city of Cadytis belongs to the Syrians[4] who are called of Palestine, and from Cadytis, which is a city I suppose not much less than Sardis, from this city the trading stations on the sea- coast as far as the city of Ienysos belong to the king of Arabia, and then from Ienysos again the country belongs to the Syrians as far as the Serbonian lake, along the side of which Mount Casion extends towards the Sea. After that, from the Serbonian lake, in which the story goes that Typhon is concealed, from this point onwards
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