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families, Scipio and Fabius; and two others, who were still children, by his second wife, who lived in his own house. Of these, one died five days before Æmilius’s triumph, at the age of fourteen, and the other, twelve years old, died three days after it: so that there was no Roman that did not grieve for him,” etc.—⁠Plutarch, Life of Æmilius, Chapter XXXV

↩

AUC 695, BC 59. ↩

Virgil, Aeneid, III, 418. ↩

See Mayor’s note on Juvenal I, and above, Chapter 16, §4. ↩

Lipsius points out that this idea is borrowed from the comic poet Antiphanes. See Meineke’s Comic Fragments, p. 3. ↩

This I believe to be the meaning of the text, but Koch reasonably conjectures that the true reading is editur subscriptio, “an indictment was made out against him.” See On Benefits, Book III, Chapter 26. ↩

Ruinae; Koch’s urinae is a misprint. ↩

Here a leaf or more has been lost, including the fragment cited in Lactantius, De Ira Dei, 17: “Ira est cupiditas,” etc. The entire passage is:⁠—“But the Stoics did not perceive that there is a difference between right and wrong; that there is just and unjust anger: and as they could find no remedy for it, they wished to extirpate it. The Peripatetics, on the other hand, declared that it ought not to be destroyed, but restrained. These I have sufficiently answered in the sixth book of my Institutiones. It is clear that the philosophers did not comprehend the reason of anger, from the definitions of it which Seneca has enumerated in the books ‘On Anger’ which he has written. ‘Anger,’ he says, ‘is the desire of avenging an injury.’ Others, as Posidonius says, call it ‘a desire to punish one by whom you think that you have been unjustly injured.’ Some have defined it thus: ‘Anger is an impulse of the mind to injure him who either has injured you or has sought to injure you.’ Aristotle’s definition differs but little from our own. He says, ‘that anger is a desire to repay suffering,’ ” etc. ↩

Ovid, Metamorphoses, VII, 545⁠–⁠6. ↩

τό áŒĄÎłÎ”ÎŒÎżÎœÎčÎșόΜ of the Stoics. ↩

The gospel rule, Matt, xviii, 15. ↩

Divitis (where there might be an army of slaves). ↩

“Lorsque le Preteur devoit prononcer la sentence d’un coupable, il se depouilloit de la robe pretexte, et se revĂštoit alors d’une simple tunique, ou d’une autre robe, presque usee, et d’un blanc sale (sordida) ou d’un gris trĂšs foncĂ© tirant sur le noir (toga pulla), telle qu’en portoient Ă  Rome le peuple et les pauvres (pullaque paupertas). Dans les jours solemnelles et marquĂ©s par un deuil public, les Senateurs quittoient le laticlave, et les Magistrats la pretexte. La pourpre, la hache, les faisceaux, aucun de ces signes extĂ©rieurs de leur dignitĂ© ne les distinguoient alors des autres citoyens: sine insignibus Magistratus. Mais ce n’étoit pas seulement pendant le temps ou la ville Ă©tait plongĂ©e dans le deuil et dans l’affliction, que les magistrats s’habilloient comme le peuple (sordidam vestem induebant); ils en usoient de mĂȘme lorsqu’ils devoient condamner Ă  mort un citoyen. C’est dans ces tristes circonstances qu’ils quittoient la prĂ©texte et prenoient la robe de deuil: perversam vestem.” (No doubt “inside out.” —⁠J. E. B. M.)

“On pourrait supposer avec assez de vraisemblance que par cette expression, SĂ©neque a voulu faire allusion Ă  ce changement⁠ ⁠
 Peut-ĂȘtre les Magistrats qui devoient juger Ă  mort un citoyen, portoient ils aussi leur robe renversĂ©e, ou la jettoient ils de travers ou confusĂ©ment sur leurs Ă©paules, pour mieux peindre par ce desordre le trouble de leur esprit. Si cette conjecture est vraie, comme je serais assez portĂ© Ă  croire, l’expression perversa vestis, dont SĂ©neque s’est servi ici, indiqueroit plus d’un simple changement d’habit,” etc. (La Grange’s translation of Seneca, edited by J. A. Naigeon. Paris, 1778.) ↩

“Ceci fait allusion Ă  une coutume que Caius Gracchus prĂ©tend avoir Ă©tĂ© pratiquĂ©e de tout tems Ă  Rome. ‘Lorsqu’un citoyen,’ dit il, ‘avoit un procĂšs criminel qui alloit Ă  la mort, s’il refusoit d’obĂ©ir aux sommations qui lui Ă©toient faites; le jour qu’on devoit le juger, en envoyoit des le matin Ă  la porte de sa maison un Officier l’appeller au son de la trompette, et jamais avant que cette cĂ©rĂ©monie eĂ»t Ă©tĂ© observĂ©e, les Juges ne donneroient leur voix contre lui: tant ces hommes sages,’ ajoute ce hardi Tribun, ‘avoient de retenue et de precaution dans leurs jugements, quand il s’agissoit de la vie d’un citoyen.’”

“C’étoit de mĂȘme au son de la trompette que l’on convoquoit le peuple, lorsqu’on devoit faire mourir un citoyen, afin qu’il fĂ»t tĂ©moin de ce triste spectacle, et que la supplice du coupable pĂ»t lui servir d’exemple. Tacite dit qu’un Astrologue, nommĂ© P. Marcius, fĂ»t exĂ©cutĂ©, selon l’ancien usage, hors de la porte Esquiline, en presence du peuple Romain que les Consuls firent convoquer au son de la trompette. (Tacitus, Annals, II, 32.) L. Grom. ↩

I.e., not only for counsel, but for action. ↩

Prorsus parum certis. (I.e., the thunderbolts missed their aim in not striking him dead.) ↩

“Vehiculorum ridicule Koch,” says Gertz, justly, “viliorum makes excellent sense.” —⁠J. E. B. M. ↩

The murder of Pompeius, BC 48. Achillas and Theodotus acted under the nominal orders of Ptolemy

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