Decline of Science in England by Charles Babbage (red white royal blue txt) 📖

delivery, and at the

two preceding weekly meetings of the Royal Society. The name of

the gentleman nominated for that year, and the church at which

the sermon is to be preached, should be stated.

 

With this publicity attending it, and by a judicious selection of

the first two or three gentlemen appointed to deliver it, it

would soon be esteemed an honour to be invited to compose such a

lecture, and the Society might always find in its numerous list

of members or aspirants, persons well qualified to fulfil a task

as beneficial for the promotion of true religion, as it ever must

be for the interest of science. I am tempted to believe that

such a course would call forth exertions of the most valuable

character, as well as give additional circulation to what is

already done on that subject.

 

The geological speculations which have been adduced, perhaps with

too much haste by some, as according with the Mosaic history, and

by others, as inconsistent with its truth, would, if this subject

had been attentively considered, have been allowed to remain

until the fullest and freest inquiry had irrevocably fixed their

claim to the character of indisputable facts. But, I will not

press this subject further on my reader’s attention, lest he

should think I am myself delivering the lecture. All that I

could have said on this point has been so much more ably stated

by one whose enlightened view of geological science has taken

away some difficulties from its cultivators, and, I hope, removed

a stumbling-block from many respectable individuals, that I

should only weaken by adding to the argument. [I allude to the

critique of Dr. Ure’s Geology in the British Review, for July,

1829; an Essay, equally worthy of a philosopher and a Christian.]

 

SECTION 10.

 

OF THE CROONIAN LECTURE.

 

The payment [Three pounds.] for this Lecture, like that of the

preceding, is small. It was instituted by Dr. Croone, for an

annual essay on the subject of Muscular Motion. It is a little

to be regretted, that it should have been so restricted; and

perhaps its founder, had he foreseen the routine into which it

has dwindled, might have endeavoured to preserve it, by affording

it a wider range.

 

By giving it to a variety of individuals, competition might have

been created, and many young anatomists have been induced to

direct their attention to the favourite inquiry of the founder of

the Lecture; but from causes which need not here be traced, this

has not been the custom—one individual has monopolized it year

after year, and it seems, like the Fairchild Lecture, rather to

have been regarded as a pension. There have, however, been some

intervals; and we are still under obligations to those who have

supported THE SYSTEM, for not appointing Sir Everard Home to read

the Croonian Lecture twenty years in SUCCESSION. Had it been

otherwise, we might have heard of vested rights.

 

SECTION 11.

 

OF THE CAUSES OF THE PRESENT STATE OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY.

 

The best friends of the Royal Society have long admitted, whilst

they regretted, its declining fame; and even those who support

whatever exists, begin a little to doubt whether it might not

possibly be amended.

 

The great and leading cause of the present state to which the

Royal Society is reduced, may be traced to years of misrule to

which it has been submitted. In order to understand this, it

will be necessary to explain the nature of that misrule, and the

means employed in perpetuating it.

 

It is known, that by the statutes, the body of the Society have

the power of electing, annually, their President, Officers, and

Council; and it is also well known, that this is a merely nominal

power, and that printed lists are prepared and put into the hands

of the members on their entering the room, and thus passed into

the balloting box. If these lists were, as in other scientific

societies, openly discussed in the Council, and then offered by

them as recommendations to the Society, little inconvenience

would arise; but the fact is, that they are private nominations

by the President, usually without notice, to the Council, and all

the supporters of the system which I am criticizing, endeavour to

uphold the right of this nomination in the President, and prevent

or discourage any alteration.

 

The Society has, for years, been managed by a PARTY, or COTERIE,

or by whatever other name may be most fit to designate a

combination of persons, united by no expressed compact or written

regulations, but who act together from a community of principles.

That each individual has invariably supported all the measures of

the party, is by no means the case; and whilst instances of

opposition amongst them have been very rare, a silent resignation

to circumstances has been the most usual mode of meeting measures

they disapproved. The great object of this, as of all other

parties, has been to maintain itself in power, and to divide, as

far as it could, all the good things amongst its members. It has

usually consisted of persons of very moderate talent, who have

had the prudence, whenever they could, to associate with

themselves other members of greater ability, provided these

latter would not oppose the system, and would thus lend to it the

sanction of their name. The party have always praised each other

most highly—have invariably opposed all improvements in the

Society, all change in the mode of management; and have

maintained, that all those who wished for any alteration were

factious; and, when they discovered any symptoms of independence

and inquiry breaking out in any member of the Council, they have

displaced him as soon as they decently could.

 

Of the arguments employed by those who support the SYSTEM OF

MANAGEMENT by which the Royal Society is governed, I shall give a

few samples: refutation is rendered quite unnecessary—juxta-position is alone requisite. If any member, seeing an improper

appointment in contemplation, or any abuse in the management of

the affairs of the Society continued, raise a voice against it,

the ready answer is, Why should you interfere? it may not be

quite the thing you approve; but it is no affair of yours.—If,

on the other hand, it do relate to himself, the reply is equally

ready. It is immediately urged: The question is of a personal

nature; you are the last person who ought to bring it forward;

you are yourself interested. If any member of the Society,

feeling annoyed at the neglect, or hurt by the injuries or

insults of the Council, show signs of remonstrance, it is

immediately suggested to him that he is irritated, and ought to

wait until his feelings subside, and he can judge more coolly on

the subject; whilst with becoming candour they admit the ill-treatment, but urge forbearance. If, after an interval, when

reflection has had ample time to operate, the offence seems great

as at first, or the insult appears unmitigated by any

circumstances on which memory can dwell,—if it is then brought

forward, the immediate answer is, The affair is out of date—the

thing is gone by—it is too late to call in question a

transaction so long past. Thus, if a man is interested

personally, he is unfit to question an abuse; if he is not, is it

probable that he will question it? and if, notwithstanding

this, he do so, then he is to be accounted a meddler. If he is

insulted, and complain, he is told to wait until he is cool; and

when that period arrives, he is then told he is too late. If his

remonstrance relates to the alteration of laws which are never

referred to, or only known by their repeated breach, he is told

that any alteration is useless; it is perfectly well known that

they are never adhered to. If it relate to the impolicy of any

regulations attaching to an office, he is immediately answered,

that that is a personal question, in which it is impossible to

interfere—the officer, it seems, is considered to have not

merely a vested right to the continuance of every abuse, but an

interest in transmitting it unimpaired to his successors.

 

In the same spirit I have heard errors of calculation or

observation defended. If small errors occur, it is said that

they are too trifling to be of any importance. If larger errors

are pointed out, it is immediately contended that they can

deceive nobody, because of their magnitude. Perhaps it might be

of some use, if the Council would oblige the world with their

SCALE of ERROR, with illustrations from some of the most RECENT

and APPROVED works, and would favour the uninformed with the

orthodox creed upon all grades, from that which baffles the human

faculties to detect, up to that which becomes innocuous from its

size.

 

The offices connected with the Royal Society are few in number,

and their emolument small in amount; but the proper disposition

of them is, nevertheless, of great importance to the Society, and

was so to the science of England.

 

In the first place, the President, having in effect the absolute

nomination of the whole Council, could each year introduce a few

gentlemen, whose only qualification to sit on it would be the

high opinion they must necessarily entertain of the penetration

of him who could discover their scientific merits. He might also

place in the list a few nobles or officials, just to gild it.

Neither of these classes would put any troublesome questions, and

one of them might be employed, from its station in society, to

check any that might be proposed by others.

 

With these ingredients, added to the regular train of the party,

and a star or two of science to shed lustre over the whole, a

very manageable Council might be formed; and such has been its

frequent composition.

 

The duties of the Secretaries, when well executed, are laborious,

although not in this respect equal to those of the same officers

who, in several societies, give their gratuitous aid; and their

labours are much lightened by the Assistant Secretary and his

clerk. The following are their salaries:—

 

The Senior Secretary … … … . . 105L.

The Junior Secretary, 105L… … . . )

5L. for making Indexto Phil. Trans… ) 110L.

The Foreign Secretary … … … . . 20L.

 

Now it is not customary to change these annually; and as these

offices are amongst the “loaves and fishes” they are generally

given by the President to some staunch supporters of the system.

They have frequently been bestowed, with very little

consideration for the interest, or even for the dignity of the

Society. To notice only one instance: the late Sir Joseph Banks

appointed a gentleman who remained for years in that situation,

although he was confessedly ignorant of every subject connected

with the pursuits of the Society. I will, however, do justice to

his memory, by saying that his respectability was preserved under

such circumstances, by the most candid admission of the fact,

accompanied by a store of other knowledge unfortunately quite

foreign to the pursuits of the Society; and I will add, that I

regretted to see him insulted by one President in a situation

improperly given to him by a former.

 

Next in order come the Vice-Presidents, who are appointed by the

President; and in this respect the present practice is not

inconvenient.

 

The case, however, is widely different with the office of

Treasurer. The President ought not to usurp the power of his

appointment, which ought, after serious discussion by the

Council, to be made by the Society at large.

 

Besides the three Secretaries, there is an Assistant Secretary,

and recently another has been added, who may perhaps be called a,

Sub-assistant Secretary.